THE THEORY OF VALENCY
1 Introduction 1 11 Overview of the topics addressed in this book 1 111 Transitivity 2 112 Valency 5 113 Coded and uncoded valency alternation, flexivalency, and voice 10 12 Theoretical and terminological issues 13 121 Semantic roles 14 122 Arguments and adjuncts 17 123 Grammatical relations 20 13 A framework for the study of questions related to transitivity and valency 22 131 Introductory remarks 22 132 Semantic transitivity and syntactic transitivity 23 1321 Prototypical transitive verbs and syntactically transitive verbs 23 1322 The basic construction of transitive verbs 23 1323 Transitive vs intransitive clauses 24 133 Transitivity-related roles 24 1331 Introductory remarks 24 1332 A and P 26 1333 A/P-prominent vs pivot-prominent transitive constructions 27 1334 S 29 1335 Core nominal terms vs obliques, and the notion of nuclear participant 30 1336 Dative obliques 30 1337 Languages without obliques 32 134 Alignment and the Obligatory Coding Principle 33 1341 The notion of alignment 33 1342 A-alignment and P-alignment 34 1343 Alignment in coding and behavioral properties of core syntactic terms, and the question of ‘syntactic ergativity’ 37 1344 The Obligatory Coding Principle 39 14 The structure of this book 40 15 Glossing principles and conventions 43 16 The genetic affiliation of languages 47 2 Participant roles and participant coding 50 21 Participant roles 50 211 General remarks on the delimitation of participant roles 50 212 The semantic roles of agent/actor and patient/undergoer/theme 51 213 The semantic roles of transferee and goal 52 214 Beneficiary as a macro-role encompassing several subtypes 53 2141 General remarks on the notion of beneficiary 53 2142 The semantic role of concernee 54 22 Participant coding and constituent order 59 221 Rigid constituent order 59 222 Flexible constituent order 60 223 TAM/polarity-driven variation in constituent order 61 224 Basic constituent order in languages with limited flexibility in constituent order 62 225 Focus positions in languages with flexible constituent order 63 226 Constituent order in verbal clauses and word order typology 64 23 Indexation 65 231 Definition 65 232 The syntactic relationship between indexes and their conominals 67 2321 Introductory remarks 67 2322 Indexes in complementary distribution with their conominal within the limits of the clause 67 2323 Obligatory indexes corresponding to a syntactically optional conominal 68 2324 Obligatory indexes corresponding to a syntactically obligatory conominal 70 233 The categories expressed by indexes 71 234 Possible positions for participant indexes 72 235 Cross-linguistic tendencies in participant indexation 73 236 Participant indexation in diachrony 74 24 Flagging 75 241 Definition 75 242 Case markers and adpositions 76 2431 Flagging and the quotation form of nouns 78 2432 The notion of zero case 78 2433 The zero case as a syntactically unmarked form of nouns 79 2434 Syntactic markedness and morphological markedness 80 2435 Terminological issues 81 244 Cross-linguistic tendencies in flagging 82 245 Flagging in diachrony 86 3 Syntactic transitivity 89 31 Prototypical transitive verbs and syntactically transitive verbs 89 311 Semantic transitivity 90 312 Prototypical transitive verbs 91 313 Syntactically transitive verbs 93 314 Transitivity and derivation 95 32 Transitive and intransitive constructions of transitive verbs 96 321 Intransitive alternatives to the transitive construction and variants of the transitive construction 96 322 Automatic vs non-automatic variation in the coding of agents and patients 99 3221 Variation in the coding of agents and patients conditioned by TAM or polarity 99 3222 Variation in the coding of agents and patients conditioned by the status of the clause 102 3223 Variation in the coding of agents and patients conditioned by grammatical features of the noun phrases that represent them 102 3224 Variation in the coding of agents and patients conditioned by a combination of grammatical factors 103 323 Formal criteria in the analysis of non-automatic variation in the coding of agents and patients 104 3231 The monoclausality criterion 105 3232 The criterion of isomorphism with the construction formed by a monovalent verb, its sole essential participant, and an adjunct 107 324 Semantic criteria in the analysis of non-automatic variation in the coding of agents and patients 112 3241 Constructions of transitive verbs affecting the role of agent 113 3242 Constructions of transitive verbs highlighting the individuation of the patient 114 325 The discourse frequency criterion 116 33 Pivot-prominent transitive constructions 116 331 Introductory remarks 116 332 The transitive construction of Tagalog and other languages having a Philippine-type voice system 117 333 The transitive construction of Balinese 123 334 The transitive construction of Movima 125 34 Intransitive constructions stricto sensu and quasitransitive constructions 128 341 Constructions with adjunct-like coding of one of the two essential participants of bivalent verbs 128 342 Quasitransitive constructions 129 3421 Quasitransitive constructions in Eastern Songhay languages 130 3422 Quasitransitive constructions in Mabaan 132 3423 Quasitransitive constructions in Algonquian languages 133 3424 ‘Have’ as a quasitransitive verb in vernacular Arabic varieties 134 35 Passive and antipassive alternatives to the transitive construction and their possible reanalysis 136 351 Passive and antipassive constructions 137 352 Reanalysis of a former passive construction as the basic construction of transitive verbs 140 353 Reanalysis of a former antipassive construction as the basic construction of transitive verbs 140 4 The transitive construction 144 41 Introductory remarks on variation in transitive coding 144 42 TAM/polarity-driven variation in transitive coding 145 43 Variation in transitive coding conditioned by the status of the clause 146 44 Differential coding of A or P 147 441 Introductory remarks 147 4411 Differential coding vs other types of variation in the coding of A or P 147 4412 Subtypes of differential coding 148 4413 Functional motivations of differential coding 150 4414 Mechanisms of differential coding concerning also the S term of intransitive constructions 150 442 Differential flagging of P or P/S 150 4421 Asymmetric differential P flagging 151 4422 Symmetric differential P flagging 152 4423 Differential P/S flagging 153 443 Differential flagging of A or A/S 154 4431 Asymmetric differential A flagging 154 4432 Symmetric differential A flagging 156 4433 Differential A/S flagging 156 444 Differential indexation 158 4441 General remarks on differential indexation 158 4442 Differential indexation involving indexes in complementary distribution with their conominal 158 4443 Differential indexation involving indexes compatible with the presence of their conominal within the clause 158 445 Differential coding involving constituent order alternation 159 4451 Differential coding manifested in constituent order only 159 4452 Differential flagging of P correlated with variation in constituent order 161 4453 Differential flagging of A (or A/S) correlated with variation in constituent order 164 45 Scenario-driven A/P coding and constraints on the expression of A and P as NPs 165 451 Scenario-driven A/P flagging 165 452 Scenario-driven A/P indexation 167 4521 Portmanteau indexes 168 4522 Hierarchical indexation 168 453 Constraints on the simultaneous expression of A and P as NPs 170 46 Direct/inverse marking in the transitive construction 171 461 Definitional issues 171 462 Direct/inverse marking and hierarchical indexation 173 463 The domains of direct/inverse marking 174 464 Rigid vs flexible systems of direct/inverse marking, and the relationship between direct/inverse marking and voice 175 4641 Inverse and passive 176 4642 Direct/inverse marking and symmetrical voices 178 465 Distribution and historical origin of direct/inverse systems 178 47 Transitivity marking 179 48 The cross-linguistic diversity in A/P coding 181 481 Introductory remarks 181 482 Symmetry vs asymmetry in the coding characteristics of A and P 182 4821 The notion of balance in A/P coding 182 4822 A-prominent vs P-prominent A/P coding 183 483 Subtypes of balanced transitive constructions 183 484 Subtypes of unbalanced transitive constructions 185 4841 Fully unbalanced transitive constructions 185 4842 Partially unbalanced transitive constructions 186 4843 Transitive constructions with conflicting asymmetries in the coding of A and P 189 485 Variation in A/P coding and the characterization of the A/P coding system of individual languages as A- or P-prominent 190 4851 Variation in A/P coding that does not affect the possibility of characterizing the A/P coding system as a whole as A- or P-prominent 190 4852 Variation in A/P coding making impossible a characterization of the A/P coding system as a whole as A- or P-prominent 190 5 Transitive–intransitive alignment 193 51 Types of transitive coding and types of alignment 193 511 Possible and preferred associations between types of transitive coding and types of alignment 193 5111 Variation in the association between types of transitive coding and types of alignment 193 5112 Predominant tendencies in the association between types of transitive coding and types of alignment 194 512 Global typology of core term coding systems 195 513 Atypical systems of core term coding 196 52 General observations on the violations of the Obligatory Coding Principle 197 53 Languages with two subclasses of intransitive verbs characterizable as SA and SP verbs (split-S systems) 199 531 Introductory remarks 199 532 The formal contrast between SA and SP verbs 200 5321 Contrast in S indexation 200 5322 Contrast in S flagging 201 5323 Contrast in constituent order 201 533 The typological significance of split-S systems 202 534 The relative size of the SA and SP subclasses of intransitive verbs 202 535 The semantic correlates of the division of intransitive verbs into SA and SP verbs 205 5351 Semantically motivated subclasses of SA and SP verbs 205 5352 Semantically arbitrary subclasses of SA and SP verbs 206 536 Fluid intransitivity splits 207 54 TAM-driven variation in participant coding and the Obligatory Coding Principle 209 55 Violations of the Obligatory Coding Principle involving the existence of alternative constructions for intransitive verbs 210 56 Alignment variation in the coding properties of core terms in Georgian: A case study 211 57 A note on split intransitivity and unaccusativity 214 58 Emergence and development of split-S systems 216 581 Conventionalization of A ellipsis in languages in which S is normally aligned with A 216 582 Conventionalization of P ellipsis in languages in which S is normally aligned with P 218 583 Univerbation of light-verb compounds in languages in which S is normally aligned with P 220 584 The grammaticalization of aspectual periphrases 224 59 The diachrony of TAM-driven alignment variation 225 591 Introductory remarks 225 592 Split-alignment resulting from the grammaticalization of perfect forms 227 593 Split-alignment resulting from the grammaticalization of perfect forms: Problems in reconstructing the scenario 230 594 Progressive periphrases and split alignment 233 595 Uncommon split alignment patterns, and the TAM periphrases of Basque 238 596 Concluding remarks 241 6 Impersonal and anti-impersonal constructions 243 61 Introductory remarks 243 62 Impersonality and impersonal constructions 244 621 A terminological clarification 244 622 The notion of impersonal construction 245 623 Impersonal constructions and R-impersonals 246 624 Impersonal constructions and TAM-governed variation in the coding of core terms 248 63 Types of impersonal constructions 249 631 Coded and uncoded impersonal constructions 249 632 Lexical impersonals and pragmatic impersonals 250 64 Lexical impersonal constructions 251 641 Affective impersonal constructions 251 642 Transitive verbs of possession used impersonally as existential predicators and inverse-locational copulae 255 643 Modal verbs used in impersonal constructions 258 644 Impersonal constructions of monovalent verbs conditioned by the clausal nature of S 259 645 Impersonal constructions of transitive verbs conditioned by animacy 261 65 Pragmatic impersonal constructions 262 651 Presentational inversion constructions 262 6511 Presentational inversion constructions with full demotion of S 263 6512 Presentational inversion constructions with partial demotion of S 266 652 Russian genitive of negation 267 653 Information structure and the coding of S in Tundra Yukaghir 268 66 Meteorological impersonals: A controversial issue 269 67 Anti-impersonal constructions 272 671 Definition and illustrations 272 672 Functional types of anti-impersonal constructions 273 7 Transitive coding and valency 275 71 Bivalent verbs and transitivity 275 711 Transitive coding as the default coding frame for bivalent verbs 275 712 General remarks on variation in the use of transitive coding for bivalent verbs 276 713 A questionnaire designed to evaluate the crosslinguistic variation in transitivity prominence for bivalent verbs 278 714 An illustration: Transitivity prominence in a sample of sub-Saharan languages 281 72 Trivalent verbs and transitivity 284 721 A note on terminology 284 722 Verbs of giving and other semantic classes of trivalent verbs 285 723 Single-P constructions and double-P constructions 288 724 Indirective vs secundative alignment in single-P constructions of transfer verbs 291 725 Oblique recipients in indirective constructions and oblique transferees in secundative constructions 292 7251 Oblique recipients and dative coding 292 7252 Oblique transferees 293 726 Mismatches between flagging and indexation in the construction of trivalent verbs 294 727 Scenario-driven coding of the non-agentive participants in the construction of trivalent verbs 294 728 Asymmetries in double-P constructions 296 729 A particular type of double-P construction 301 7210 Bivalent verbs in double-P constructions 303 7211 Recipients and beneficiaries encoded as adnominal possessors 304 72111 Adnominal possessors ambiguous between a possessor reading and a recipient/beneficiary reading 304 72112 Recipients or beneficiaries coded as adnominal possessors in morphologically marked constructions 306 73 Monovalent verbs and transitivity 308 731 Monovalent verbs used transitively with a beneficiary encoded as P 309 732 Light-verb constructions 309 733 Cognate-P constructions with intransitive verbs 311 734 Other types of atypical Ps: Illustrations from Soninke and Manding 312 735 Time phrases encoded as the A term of a transitive construction 315 8 Voice alternations 317 81 Basic notions for the analysis of voice alternations 317 811 Voice alternations vs flexivalency alternations 317 812 Morphologically oriented vs unoriented voice alternations 319 813 Nucleativization and denucleativization 320 814 Synthetic vs analytic marking of voice alternations 322 815 Voice alternations and periphrastic constructions 323 816 V>V derivations that modify the coding frame of verbs but cannot be analyzed as voice alternations 325 817 Symmetrical voices vs other types of voice alternations 326 818 Voice alternations and coding frame inventories 327 82 Polysemous voice markers 327 821 Voice markers co-expressing two or more types of voice alternations 327 822 Uses of voice markers that do not meet the definition of voice 332 8221 Voice markers also used to mark V > V derivations involving no valency operation 332 8222 Voice markers also used to mark N > V or Adj > V derivations 333 8223 Voice markers also used as direct/inverse markers 334 83 The main types of voice alternations 334 831 Causativization and decausativization 334 8311 Causativization 334 8312 Decausativization 335 832 Passivization, antipassivization, and S-denucleativization 336 8321 Passivization 336 8322 The impersonal variant of passivization (I-passivization) 336 8323 Antipassivization 337 8324 S-denucleativization 338 833 Reflexivization and reciprocalization 339 834 Non-causative A/S-nucleativization 339 8341 A/S-nucleativization of obliques 340 8342 A/S-nucleativization of concernees (concernativization) 340 835 Applicativization 341 836 Voice alternations and avalent verbs 343 837 Portative derivation and the typology of voice 345 838 The distribution of the main types of voice alternations in the world’s languages 348 84 Voice marker stacking 349 841 Combinations of voice markers interpreted compositionally 349 842 Arbitrary restrictions on voice marker stacking 351 843 Voice marker combinations with non-compositional interpretations 352 8431 The passive interpretation of ‘reflexive + causative’ 352 8432 The simulative interpretation of ‘reflexive + causative’ 352 8433 The intensive use of double applicatives and double causatives 353 8434 The honorific use of ‘reflexive + causative’ and ‘reflexive + applicative’ in Nahuatl 354 85 Symmetrical voices 355 851 Binary symmetrical voice systems 355 852 Multiple symmetrical voice systems 356 853 Other types of voice alternations in languages with symmetrical voice systems 357 854 Symmetrical voice systems in Western Austronesian languages 358 855 Symmetrical voice systems in other parts of the world 359 856 The origin of symmetrical voices 361 86 Inflectional voices 362 861 General remarks on inflectional voices 362 862 Inflectional voices in ancient Indo-European languages 363 863 The inflectional voices of Fula 364 864 The inflectional voices of Ganja 365 865 The inflectional voices of Hausa 365 866 The inflectional voices of Georgian 367 867 The inflectional voices of Mabaan 367 868 The inflectional voices of Toba 368 869 The origin of inflectional voices 368 87 Other cases of equipollent marking of voice alternations 369 871 Voice contrasts consistently marked by stem alternations 369 872 Voice systems involving sporadic instances of equipollent marking 370 9 Passivization and S-denucleativization 373 91 Passivization, S-denucleativization, and antipassivization 373 92 Issues in the description and analysis of passivization 375 921 Agentful passives 376 9211 The notion of oblique agent phrase 376 9212 The flagging of the oblique agent phrase 376 9213 Agentful passives and topicality 378 9214 Obligatory oblique agent phrases 379 9215 Restrictions on oblique agent phrases 379 922 Agentless passives 381 923 Constraints on the use of passive constructions 382 924 Passivization and alignment 385 925 Double-P constructions and passivization 386 926 Analytical passives and passive-like periphrases 388 927 Adversative passives 390 93 Passive and resultative 391 931 Introductory remarks 391 932 The notion of resultative 391 933 Resultative predicative constructions 392 934 Resultative derivation and the notion of voice 393 935 Resultative and voice: The diachronic connection 394 94 Passive, decausative, and quasipassive 394 941 The passive–decausative polysemy 394 942 The fuzziness of the distinction between passivization and decausativization 395 943 Quasipassive uses of decausative verb forms 396 9431 Decausative forms expressing inadvertent actions 396 9432 The generic passive use of decausative forms 397 9433 The facilitative use of decausative forms 399 9434 The decausative–quasipassive–passive continuum and its diachronic significance 401 944 Quasipassive uses of decausative or passive markers or constructions and the question of ‘modal passives’ 402 95 The passive–causative polysemy and its historical explanation 403 951 The passive–causative polysemy 403 952 The reanalysis of reflexive–causative constructions as a possible explanation of the passive–causative polysemy 404 953 Other possible explanations of the passive–causative polysemy 406 96 Other co-expression patterns involving passivization 407 961 Passivization, I-passivization, and S-denucleativization 407 962 The passive–concernative polysemy 407 963 The passive–antipassive polysemy 407 97 Passive-like constructions that are not really passives 408 971 Introductory remarks 408 972 The Vietnamese ???c/b?-construction 409 973 The Mandarin Chinese bèi-constructions 411 98 The impersonal variant of passivization (I-passivization) 413 981 I-passivization involving the same derived verb forms as passivization 413 982 I-passivization involving middle verb forms 415 983 I-passivization involving dedicated verb forms 415 99 Denucleativization of S without nucleativization (S-denucleativization) 417 991 S-denucleativization involving the same verb forms as passivization and/or I-passivization 417 992 S-denucleativization involving verb forms that cannot be used with a passive function 419 993 Intransitive bivalent verbs and S-denucleativization 421 994 A possible reanalysis of I-passive/S-denucleative verb forms 422 910 R-impersonals and A/S denucleativization 423 9101 R-impersonals and valency alternations 423 9102 R-impersonals and I-passivization/ S-denucleativization in obligatory A-coding languages 425 9103 R-impersonals and passivization in obligatory P-coding languages 426 10 Antipassivization 428 101 Antipassive constructions and antipassivization: Definitional issues 428 102 The treatment of the referent of the initial P in antipassivization 431 1021 Antipassivization with the referent of the initial P left unexpressed 431 1022 Antipassivization with the referent of the initial P expressed as an oblique NP 431 1023 Antipassivization with the referent of the initial P expressed as an incorporated noun 431 1024 Antipassivization with the referent of the initial P expressed as a semi-incorporated noun 432 1025 Antipassivization with the possibility of expressing the referent of the initial P via applicativization 433 103 The possible functions and conditioning of antipassivization 433 1031 Patientless antipassives and constraints on the expression of P in the transitive construction 433 1032 Antipassivization, referentiality, and aspect 434 1033 Antipassivization and animacy/humanness 436 1034 Antipassivization and low degree of patient affectedness 437 1035 Antipassivization and partial or involuntary agents 438 1036 Antipassivization and information structure 439 1037 Antipassivization and syntactic ergativity 439 1038 Antipassivization and the lexical meaning of verbs 440 104 Antipassivization and the Obligatory Coding Principle 443 1041 Introductory remarks 443 1042 Antipassivization in obligatory A-coding languages: Some illustrations 445 105 Antipassivization and double-P constructions 451 106 Antipassivization-like alternations targeting obliques 453 1061 D-antipassivization 453 1062 Oblique optionalization 455 107 S-denucleativization in antipassive constructions 455 108 Markers analyzable as antipassivization markers in some of their uses only 456 1081 Antipassive markers also used to mark voice operations other than antipassivization 456 1082 Derivational morphemes that antipassivize transitive verbs but also combine with intransitive verbs without changing their valency 457 1083 The Mayan agent focus construction 458 1084 Antipassive markers and A/P indexation in the transitive construction 460 109 The origin of antipassive markers 462 1091 Antipassivization marking as an extension of the uses of reflexive or reciprocal markers 462 1092 Antipassive markers resulting from the incorporation of hypernymous nouns in P role 463 1093 Antipassive markers originating from a light verb ‘do’ in an antipassive periphrasis involving event nominalization 463 1094 Antipassive markers resulting from the verbalization of agent nominalization 464 1095 Antipassive markers resulting from the grammaticalization of cognate Ps 464 1096 Others 465 11 Decausativization, reflexivization, reciprocalization, and middle voices 466 111 Decausativization 466 1111 Decausativization as an agent-suppressing operation 467 1112 Quasipassive uses of decausative forms 468 1113 Non-valency-related uses of decausative markers 470 112 Reflexivization 471 1121 Reflexive events, reflexive constructions, reflexivization 471 1122 Derived verb forms encoding reflexivization 473 1123 Reflexive voice markers and reflexive indexes 474 1124 Reflexivization and autobenefactive 475 1125 Verbal marking of reflexivization and self-intensification: The case of Jóola Fóoñi 477 1126 Metonymic reflexives 478 1127 Quasireflexives 480 113 Reciprocalization 481 1131 Reciprocal events, reciprocal constructions, reciprocalization 481 1132 Reciprocity, co-participation, and the reciprocal–antipassive polysemy 484 1133 The reflexive–reciprocal polysemy and its possible sources 487 114 Middle voices and their development 488 1141 The notion of middle voice 488 1142 From reflexive to decausative: The reflexive–quasireflexive–decausative continuum 491 1143 Development of middle voices and renewal of reflexive marking 493 1144 From reciprocal to decausative 494 1145 From decausative to passive: The decausative– quasipassive–passive continuum 494 1146 From reflexive or reciprocal to antipassive 495 115 Middle marking, I-passivization, and S-denucleativization 497 116 Middle marking and perspectivization of three-participant events 498 117 Dative-experiencer middles 498 118 Affected-agent middles 500 119 Issues in the analysis of some uses of middle voices 501 1191 The question of ‘converse reflexives’ 501 1192 The question of ‘autocurative reflexives’ 503 1110 Lexicalized middles, middle verbs without non-middle counterpart, optional middle marking 505 11101 Lexicalized middles 505 11102 Middle verbs without non-middle counterpart 505 11103 Optional middle marking 506 1111 Non-valency-related uses of middle markers 506 12 Causativization 508 121 Definitional and terminological issues 508 1211 Narrow vs broad definition of causativization 508 1212 Causativization and causation 511 1213 Causative/decausative and causal/noncausal 512 1214 Synthetic causatives, analytical causatives, and causative-like periphrases 512 122 Causativization and semantic types of causation 517 1221 Direct vs indirect causation 517 1222 Sociative causation 520 1223 Causeeless causatives 522 12231 Causeeless causatives from transitives 522 12232 Causeeless causatives from intransitives 524 123 Issues in the description of causative constructions 525 1231 Restrictions on causativization 525 1232 Double causativization and other possible interpretations of causative marker stacking 526 1233 The causativization of trivalent verbs 528 1234 The coding of the initial S/A 529 12341 The coding of the initial S in causatives derived from intransitives 529 12342 The coding of the initial A in causatives derived from transitives 529 1235 Causativization of transitive verbs and antipassivization 536 1236 Double datives in causative constructions 536 124 Causative uses of causative markers that do not meet the narrow definition of causativization 538 1241 Introductory remarks 538 1242 Causativization and perspectivization 538 1243 Causativization and agentivization 540 125 Causative markers co-expressing other types of valency operations 543 1251 The passive–causative polysemy, the decausative– causative polysemy, and the use of causative morphology in involuntary agent constructions 543 1252 The antipassive–causative polysemy 545 1253 The causative–applicative polysemy 545 1254 The causative–reciprocal polysemy 547 126 Special uses of causative markers 547 1261 Introductory remarks 547 1262 Causative markers in intensive function 547 1263 Causative marking in constructions referring to actions involving body parts 548 1264 The abilitative use of causative markers 549 1265 Causative and efferential 550 1266 Causative and estimative 551 1267 Causative and similative 552 1268 Causative, simulative, and allegative 552 1269 Causative and the expression of psychological/physiological states 553 12610 Causative and iterativity/pluractionality 554 127 Lexicalized causatives 557 128 Possible sources of causative markers 558 1281 The grammaticalization path causation verb > causative auxiliary > causative marker 558 1282 The grammaticalization path light verb/verbalizer > causative marker 559 1283 The grammaticalization path locational noun > causative marker 559 1284 Reanalysis of TAM morphology 560 13 Non-causative A/S-nucleativization 561 131 Introductory remarks on non-causative A/S-nucleativization 561 132 A-nucleativization of instrumental obliques 561 1321 A-nucleativization of instrumental obliques involving dedicated verb forms 561 1322 A-nucleativization of instrumental obliques involving verb forms also used to code applicativization 562 133 A-nucleativization of dative obliques 563 134 A/S-nucleativization of concernees (concernativization) 565 1341 Concernee–concern constructions and concernativization 565 1342 Concernativization as the combination of applicativization and passivization 567 1343 Concernativization involving the same marking as passivization 569 1344 Concernativization involving dedicated marking: The ‘possessive voice’ of Wolof 572 1345 Concernative periphrases with the concernee encoded as the A of a ‘have’ verb in auxiliary function 574 1346 Back to Central Alaskan Yupik ‘adversative’ 574 135 A/S-nucleativization of affected participants other than concernees 576 136 Some problematic cases 579 1361 A/S-nucleativization of obliques and oblique voices in Philippine-type voice systems 579 1362 The English ‘prepositional passive’ 580 1363 An uncommon type of construction involving passive morphology in Jóola languages 581 14 Applicativization 583 141 P-applicativization, D-applicativization, and X-applicativization 583 1411 P-applicativization 583 1412 P-applicativization as a particular case of a more general type of voice alternation 588 1413 D-applicativization 589 1414 X-applicativization 592 1415 Ambiguous applicative markers: The case of Amharic 593 142 Variation in P-applicative constructions 595 1421 Optional vs obligatory P-applicatives 595 14211 Optional P-applicatives 595 14212 Obligatory P-applicatives 597 14213 Obligatory P-applicative constructions that are not acknowledged as applicatives in the literature 599 14214 Across-the-board applicativization 602 1422 P-applicativization and transitivity 603 14221 Constraints on the transitivity properties of the initial construction 603 14222 Core-expanding P-applicatives 603 14223 Redirecting P-applicatives 606 14224 P-applicatives from transitives in Algonquian languages 607 14225 P-applicatives from transitives in which the initial P cannot be expressed 607 1423 Semantically specialized and semantically unspecified P-applicatives 608 14231 Semantically specialized P-applicatives 608 14232 Semantically unspecified P-applicatives: A case study 611 143 X-applicatives 616 1431 X-applicatives in Tswana: A case study 617 14311 Introductory remarks 617 14312 Verbs of motion whose underived form cannot combine with locatives expressing the roles of source or destination 618 14313 Verbs of motion whose underived form can combine with locatives expressing the role of source 619 14314 Verbs that do not express motion 619 1432 X-applicatives in other Bantu languages 621 1433 X-applicatives in Atlantic languages 623 14331 X-applicatives in Jóola languages 623 14332 X-applicatives in Noon 624 144 Cross-linguistic variation in the semantic roles expressed by applied phrases in applicative constructions 625 145 Applicative markers and the coding of complex valency operations 627 1451 Multiple applicatives 627 1452 Applicative markers combined with markers of other valency operations 628 1453 Parasitic appl